Some people are sprinters, and some people are long-distance runners. Gov. Bobby Jindal, for one, knows all about the fast track.
Jindal originally was introduced to Louisiana voters and to some extent national audiences in a blaze of youthful glory: fielding high-level appointments from former Gov. Mike Foster and President George W. Bush; leading the University of Louisiana System by the age of 25; writing Medicaid policy in Washington, D.C.; and taking a seat in the U.S. Congress.
But these days, Jindal, who turns 40 in early June, is looking more like a marathon man. Aside from having the prerequisite light and nimble frame, he’s taking long strides and keeping policy goals somewhat open and free, more like the executive strategy of a president and less like the heavy-handed directives of governors past.
When compared to the likes of Edwin Edwards or John McKeithen, Jindal’s modus operandi has been interpreted as vague. Rarely, though, are adjectives like “intentional” or “effective” used; almost as infrequent are the analyses that gauge this method’s value to Jindal.
But Kirby Goidel, director of LSU’s Public Policy Research Lab, says Jindal might be hitting a stride of sorts and creating the foundation for his political doctrine. For perspective, it might be worth remembering that former President Ronald Reagan became the “Great Communicator” on the back of platitudes, among other reasons.
“The governor has created a value statement. And on an abstract level, what he’s doing is setting the boundaries, the perimeter, and letting lawmakers and others fill it in,” Goidel says. “You can call that vagueness, but it’s also governing by core values. Now, whether the Legislature can act on this freedom and still balance working with the governor when he does become involved in the process, that’s an entirely different question.”
Jindal’s subtle transformation might have been easy to miss over the past year or so, given the economic downturn and Deepwater Horizon oil spill. But it was discernible in his opening address to lawmakers on April 25, especially on the anti-tax front. “I’ll veto any proposed tax increase that makes it to my desk,” Jindal told them.
More to the point, Jindal went on to explain himself in detail—this from a man who has earned a reputation among the Capitol press corps for making an art out of explaining or justifying very little. “Tax increases kill jobs,” Jindal said. “Tax increases kill opportunities. Tax increases hurt economic development. Tax increases hurt our ability to attract new businesses into Louisiana.”
Jindal’s official package of bills this session is 11 pages long, encompassing several pieces of legislation. As in previous sessions, many of the lawmakers with bills in the gubernatorial package describe a process in which the administration makes an indefinite statement about what should be filed, if a request is made at all; lawmakers sometimes end up in the package with little or no warning.
From there, representatives from the executive branch begin to add certain details to their favored bills with an absence of publicity and as discreetly as possible; again, more in the fashion of a president-Congress relationship. And just like the commander-in-chief, Jindal relies on Chief of Staff Timmy Teepell to do the heavy lifting and arm-twisting.
Rep. Walter Leger III, a New Orleans Democrat, has three bills in Jindal’s official package: two that deal with tax credits for historic buildings and another that stiffens laws related to human trafficking.
“The human trafficking bill the administration asked me to handle,” Leger says. “The historic building credits are [in] bills I filed and they later included in the package. In fact, they just informed me that they were being included in the package. They didn’t really ask my permission.”
While Jindal is extremely picky about where government gets its revenue, he has become less choosy about the donors from which he accepts campaign cash at fundraisers. It’s an extension of the D.C.-rooted political philosophy that has played out on the policy side of his brand.
Jindal took a great deal of flak, in particular, for an event hosted by Mike Worley of Hammond in late March. Worley is the CEO of Worley Catastrophe Response, the company selected by BP to process claims related to last year’s oil spill. Worley Catastrophe also has a $380,000 consulting agreement with the Division of Administration, which makes it a state contractor.
The governor has been unapologetic about his relationship with Worley, and his staff openly admits that money and support are accepted from all circles.
“I’m running for reelection,” Jindal says. “I’m not taking anything for granted.”
Others don’t see it that way.
“His judgment on this one is wrong,” says Rep. Jon Bel Edwards, an Amite Democrat. “We’re not talking about the appearance of impropriety here. We’re talking about impropriety.”
According to the governor’s most recent campaign finance report, covering the first quarter of 2011, which was filed with the state on the regular session’s opening day, Jindal not only went through with the controversial fundraiser, but he also accepted $15,000 on March 29 from Worley; there’s a $5,000 maximum, so Worley wrote one personal check and two others from business accounts.
For what it’s worth, Jindal’s being just as bold on the policy side as well, proposing a merger between the University of New Orleans and Southern University at New Orleans, and pushing the privatization of three state prisons and possibly the Office of Group Benefits. Once more, Jindal’s strategy is simplistic and open to interpretation, to a point.
Jeffrey D. Sadow, an associate professor of political science at LSU-Shreveport and Jindal booster through his blog, says: “To date, Jindal’s only real strategy to back these ideas is that if [they’re] not made into reality, more budget cuts loom on the horizon. That may cut it as a practical explanation, but scaring people doesn’t persuade them, and enough may not be scared enough to give him the necessary majorities to get these things passed.”
The idea of selling three state prisons to private companies and using the profits to underwrite health care needs is opposed by the Louisiana District Attorneys Association, an influential voice at the Capitol. The administration also has already survived a touchy hearing on the OGB proposal. As such, some headlines have Jindal slowly backing down from the challenges, wisely choosing battles he can win.
And don’t be surprised to see Jindal cater to his Christian conservative base and to the Tea Party movement by piggybacking on bills already drawing these groups’ collective attention.
In apparent response to allegations that President Barack Obama was born outside of the United States, and therefore not eligible to be president, Rep. Alan Seabaugh, a Shreveport Republican, has filed House Bill 561 to force presidential contenders to provide their birth certificates in order to access a Louisiana ballot. While Obama recently released the long version of his certificate, the issue has boiled over so much that many constituencies might still want action.
Additionally, Senate Bill 70 by Sen. Karen Carter Peterson, a New Orleans Democrat, would repeal the Louisiana Science Education Act, which enables creationism to be taught in public schools. Forty-one Nobel Laureates have sent a letter to Jindal urging him to back Peterson’s drive and to consider that “biological evolution is foundational in many fields, including biomedical research and agriculture.”
It will ultimately be up to lawmakers to send these measures to Jindal, but the possibilities are out there.
Most important during this eight-week regular session, lawmakers will have to decide whether to rubber-stamp Jindal’s $25 billion budget or make targeted and systematic changes. And with an anticipated $1.6 billion revenue shortage, it won’t be an easy task.
But thanks to Jindal’s nondescript style of executive leadership, there will be plenty of blame to go around by election time, even if the governor aims carefully, shoots with skill and misses his targets completely. That’s part of his modus operandi, too, not to mention his ever-evolving political savvy.
