BusinessReport.com

Midway through his news conference issuing the call for the special session on ethics that began Sunday, Gov. Bobby Jindal was asked what would constitute success. Of the 35 to 40 bills he will propose, would he claim victory if half pass? Two-thirds?

“I want to bat a thousand,” he said without batting an eye. “I want to pass every one of them.” That’s what he promised in his 31-point ethics campaign platform. That’s what voters expect. If the Legislature resists, he said, repeating another campaign promise, he would call them back for one special session after another until they adopt his vision of comprehensive ethics reform—and before they get to spend any of the $1.2 billion surplus.

He was later asked why he did not include an item to require candidates who violate the ethics code to pay fines from personal funds instead of campaign accounts, which his own ethics advisory council recommended. The question hit close to home, for he was recently fined $2,500 for a campaign ethics violation.

“I am not a dictator,” he responded without answering the question. “I can’t do everything I want to do.” Then he proceeded to read, item by item, prohibition by prohibition, exactly what he wants the Legislature to do.

A Louisiana governor can be close to a dictator when it comes to calling a special session. Only bills that fit his call can be filed. Jindal’s is so tight as to include the precise wording for many of the three dozen or more bills that will form his package, thus giving the Legislature little if any wiggle room to amend them. Their choices are take it or leave it.

The governor proposes that elected officials, from statewide to legislative to locals, as well as candidates and even judges, disclose their sources and amounts of income, within ranges. Lawmakers and their families would be barred from entering into contracts with the state. Lobbyists would not be able to give legislators free tickets to games and concerts, or treat them to rounds of golf or meals costing more than $50. Lobbyists also would have to file monthly reports on who is paying them how much, within ranges, to lobby for what, all fully searchable online. He also later amended the call to address the issue of who pays ethics fines.

He stressed that he developed the agenda with plenty of input and consensus from legislators, though lawmakers who attended recent luncheons at the Governor’s Mansion described their input as watching Jindal’s PowerPoint presentation.

He might not fashion himself a dictator, but if there was ever a bunch ready to take dictation, it is the House of Rookies, where 59 of 105 representatives are starting their first terms. Not spoiled by the perks and privileges enjoyed by veteran lawmakers, most of them see all good things coming from the governor and are loath to step out of line. The Senate, where many term-limited House members migrated, might have a different take on things, but they are wiser than to stand in the way of this train. They will pick their fights carefully.

There will be opposition, on constitutional grounds, to including judges in the income disclosure rules. Ultimately, legislators don’t have a lot of sympathy for judges and might be willing to have them share in the pain.

Legislators and local officials could balk at requiring income disclosure of their families or barring businesses owned by family members from getting state contracts.

This governor is not going to bat 1,000, but his success rate could be near to that of a very good free-throw shooter.

There is no good reason for him not to succeed. Few voters will disagree with his view that holding public office is a privilege, notwithstanding its restrictions and inconveniences, and that fears that gold-standard ethics laws will discourage good people from running for office are bogus.

More divisive issues will follow, but this one has little public opposition. Though he is staking his political capital on the success of this session, he enters it with what any dictator would envy, the support of the people.