BusinessReport.com

The political ghosts in the Hilton Capitol Center were already stirring when Foster Campbell took the microphone in his hand. The newly restored hotel, benefiting from more than $70 million in renovations, was once the place to stay in Baton Rouge for President Kennedy and, earlier in its life, the legendary haunt of former Gov. Huey P. Long, who often used its notorious underground tunnel.

To be certain, Campbell, a rural politician and lifelong Democrat from Bossier Parish, isn’t channeling the bloke from Massachusetts. Comparisons of Campbell to Long have been made for decades. It’s just so easy to do, and his handlers have done little to squelch the association. Campbell is even jockeying for the Fourth Floor from his seat on the Public Service Commission, much like Long did.

In a six-minute speech at the annual Jefferson-Jackson Dinner—where the Democratic elite meet to eat and greet for tickets ranging upwards to $5,000—Campbell manages to touch on education, corruption, consumer rights and environmental concerns while being interrupted by laughter and/or clapping 15 times. Granted, he could have stacked the crowd, or it could have been the pre-event cocktails, but Campbell brings the house down.

He even addresses parts of his speech directly to former U.S. Sen. John Edwards of North Carolina, a presidential hopeful seated among an assortment of Louisiana’s political superstars. The comments reveal he isn’t timid in the presence of power and is comfortable with his audience. “It’s OK to be a trial lawyer here tonight,” Campbell advises his fellow Dem. “You got a lot of friends.”

Largely, however, Campbell puts on a show reminiscent of old, Louisiana populism. “I took on the telephone companies when I passed the ‘Do Not Call List,’” a red-faced Campbell says in his pitchy, country drawl, arms waving wildly. “I took on the railroads when we needed railroad safety in Louisiana.”

Even his campaign’s central plank smacks of bygone days when state government stared down Standard Oil. The Campbell Plan would eliminate the state income tax on individuals and businesses, return $3.1 billion back to those same groups and raise future money through a 6% fee on all oil and gas processed in the state. “They owe it to the great state of Louisiana,” Campbell tells the crowd. “If anybody is worried about the oil companies leaving the state, don’t worry about it because they are making $12,500 in net profit per minute.”

Campbell leaves the stage with an ovation nearing half a minute. Someone from the crowd caps it off: “Now we got a leader.”

Of course, there are two Democrats in the race for governor, and state Sen. Walter Boasso was given the same amount of time allotted to Campbell at the fundraiser. Clearly sweating, the bulky Chalmette native and, more important, recent Republican convert, did his best to cheer for the home team. He was understandably uncomfortable, having come into the fold after being rejected by the GOP for the race’s unambiguous frontrunner, Congressman Bobby Jindal of Kenner.

Boasso, a self-made businessman with one of the best stories to tell in the race (one ABC Nightline report dubbed him a “hero” in the wake of Hurricane Katrina), was once a registered Democrat. Still, he was unable to let his natural charm shine as words stumbled out unsurely during his speech. “I really want to appreciate the warm welcome that the party has given to me in coming back home, and I appreciate that,” Boasso says right off the bat.

As for issues, the speech was thin, not unlike his Web site, governorboasso.org, which features absolutely nothing under “On The Issues.” An ill-advised portion of his time was also spent introducing his opponent. “We have two good Democrats in the race,” he says. “Public Service Commissioner Foster Campbell is a good man.”

In return, Campbell pointed to the emperor’s clothing. “I ain’t never left ya,” he reminded those gathered. “I’m a Democrat.”

Sen. Walter Boasso, D-Chalmette

The only wild card from this side of the race is New Orleans Mayor Ray Nagin, who has avoided answering questions about his aspirations. Julie Vezinot, communications director for the Louisiana Democratic Party, says there haven’t been any formal meetings with party leadership, that Nagin is raising money outside of the state and that the congressional seat of William Jefferson, a New Orleans Democrat facing federal corruption charges, is in question.

But since the Jefferson-Jackson Dinner on July 21, the insider buzz has been growing around Campbell, she says, adding that the party is not favoring either candidate. “Foster got an overwhelming support from the (Jefferson-Jackson Dinner),” she says, “It appeared to be a great night for him.”

Traditional factions of the party that Democrats need to win on a statewide level are also inching over. “I’ve seen some of those stirrings moving in that direction too in recent months,” Vezinot says.

Rep. Juan A. LaFonta, chairman of the Legislative Black Caucus and Democrat from New Orleans, where the party’s black base largely resides, reports that Campbell’s grassroots campaign is well under way in the city, although starting off slow with signage only. Boasso’s materials, meanwhile, still haven’t hit the streets. “This is going to shape up to be an interesting race,” says LaFonta, who has not endorsed a candidate.

In an interview following the dinner speech, Campbell embraces the perceived shift—although surely wondering why it didn’t start when he was the lone Dem—and predicts key endorsements from labor and teachers will eventually be secured. “I don’t think there’s any question who the real Democrat is,” he says. “I have 32 years of helping people as a Democrat and I have never thought about switching parties. I’m one of the strongest, white Democrats you’ll find in Louisiana.”

Boasso shrugs off the assessment, still touting one of his own polls that shows a 10-percentage-point drop for Jindal and a boost from 6% to 21% for him—this after spending $1.3 million for television ads to increase his name recognition. And therein resides the most noticeable difference between Campbell and Boasso: money.

Boasso spent more on media than Campbell has in his account right now, which is roughly $1.2 million. Presently, Boasso has only $232,000 on hand himself, but he has already loaned his campaign $1.4 million and can dig deeper if needed. Campbell, meanwhile, is challenged in his fundraising.

In the end, Boasso says his opponent is Jindal, the frontrunner who held at more than 50% in Boasso’s own poll. He’s meeting with black mayors around the state—Baton Rouge Mayor Kip Holden introduced him for his announcement speech—and staff members warn not to underestimate the burgeoning organization. While there might be a shift heading in another direction, Boasso says he has the time, resources and energy to play it out.

“The Democratic support I am getting comes from those who are ready for someone to take the fight to Bobby Jindal,” Boasso says. “They are looking for someone who is willing to challenge Bobby Jindal on his record of following the incompetence of President Bush in Iraq and in New Orleans. And ultimately, they are looking for someone who can beat Bobby Jindal. They know I am that Democrat.”